Saed Teymuri
Trotsky: communist agents fired 200 shots against me, and yet, I was barely even wounded!
The History of the USSR & the Peoples’ Democracies
Chapter 9, Section 4 (C9S4)
See also: Leon Trotsky was an MI6 agent since 1918, American intelligence documents reveal
Dan La Botz, a prominent Trotskyite author and prominent member of the officially Trotskyite ‘Solidarity’ group, describes the role of the communist party in Mexico as such:
During the Comintern’s Third Period, the PCM had at first characterized Cárdenas as a “fascist.” But by mid-June 1935 the line had changed and he had become a progressive deserving of Communist support. At the same time, the new president ended the government’s repression of the Communist Party whose prisoners were liberated from the penitentiaries. Communists could now organize openly and they built significant worker and peasant organizations in the midst of a national working class upheaval comparable to those in Spain, France, and the United States in the same period.
The Mexican Communist Party played a key role in the emerging National Union of Petroleum Workers and its clash with Standard Oil and Royal Dutch Shell, a conflict used as the pretext by Cárdenas to buy and to nationalize all of the foreign oil companies in Mexico. The PCM also supported and participated in Cárdenas’ expropriation of hacienda land and its distribution to indigenous and peasant ejidos, state-owned lands leased in perpetuity to those who worked them.
The Popular Front strategy called upon the Communists to become part of a political alliance, such as it had done in France in May of 1936 in forming part of the coalition that elected Léon Blum. In Mexico, however, Cárdenas had reorganized and renamed the ruling, now calling it the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM). The PRM was based on the four pillars of the labor unions, the peasant leagues, the public employees and self-employed, and the army. Unlike France, there was no parliamentary coalition, so the PCM did not fit into this schema.
There was no popular front to join and in any case the Communists had no parliamentary delegates and no way to directly influence the PRM leadership or shape the PRM program. The Communists did run for office though some were elected as member of the Confederation Mexican Workers (CTM), not as Communists. Even then they succeeded in electing just two federal delegates and several local delegates. Nevertheless, the Mexican Communists enthusiastically supported Cárdenas, who rewarded them with secondary government posts in a few government agencies, such as the Education Department.
By 1938, the Communists had nearly 20,000 members, most of them industrial workers, teachers, peasants, students and government employees. The Communists represented a real force in the labor movement,
(‘The Mexican Communist Party: Founded 100 Years Ago – Gone Since 1981’, Dan La Botz, December 18, 2019) (IMG)
As La Botz has admitted, the PCM gained a significantly greater influence during the reign of Lazaro Cardenas. To the wrath of the British, the Mexican government provided funds to the Spanish Republic. To the wrath of the Anglo-Americans, the Mexican government took control of the oil industry formerly owned by the Anglo-American imperialists. To the wrath of the British, Mexico was coming increasingly under the influence of the Soviet-friendly forces, meaning that in a not-so-distant future, Mexico could be the country that would hand Trotsky over to the Soviet intelligence, thereby paving the way for the thorough interrogation of Trotsky. While much of Trotsky’s network of agents and collaborators had been purged, there still unsurprisingly remained some of Trotsky’s agents in the USSR. Thus, handing Trotsky over to the USSR would have seriously undermined not only German intelligence, but also British intelligence, influence in the Soviet Union. Trotsky’s death on the other hand, could bury with Trotsky many of the secrets known to him.
Plan A therefore was to undermine the influence of the Mexican Communist Party, the pillar helping to uphold the Cardenas administration. The weakening of communist influence would have surely reduced the chance of a thoroughly Soviet-friendly (not necessarily socialist) government rising to power in Mexico, hence reducing the chances of Trotsky from being handed over to the Soviet intelligence. The way to undermine the Mexican Communist Party and Soviet influence was to falsely link them to terrorism. The British agent Trotsky therefore decided to assist US intelligence in achieving this goal.
Trotsky established contacts with the proto-McCarthyite US Special Committee on Un-American Activities, also known as the Dies Committee, which was a US intelligence front organization officially established by the US Congress, and had the task of tracking communist activists inside and outside the USA. Trotsky admitted that he collaborated with the notoriously anti-communist Dies Committee:
In the Mexican press yesterday, dispatches from the United States reported that I might appear as a witness before the Dies Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States and make depositions concerning the activities of the Mexican and Latin American Communists, particularly in connection with the oil question. These dispatches are so worded as to imply that for several years I have turned documents over the agents of this committee, that I was visited in Mexico by the committee’s representatives, and so on. These implications represent a pure invention from beginning to end.
On October 12, I received the following telegram from the committee:
«Leon Trotsky, Mexico City,
«Dies Committee of the United States House of Representatives invites you to appear as witness before it in the city of Austin, Texas. City designated with view to your personal
convenience. . . . The Committee desires to have a complete record of the history of Stalinism and invites you to answer questions which can be submitted to you in advance if you so desire. Your name has been mentioned frequently by such witnesses as Browder and Foster. H8 This Committee will accord you opportunity to answer their charges. . . .
«J. B. Matthews, Chief Investigator, Special Committee on Un-American Activities.»
Independently of the political tendency of the chairman of this committee, I could not find it permissible to avoid appearing as a witness in a public investigation. My answer
was:
«I accept your invitation as a political duty. . . .»
It was a matter thus of my testimony about the «history of Stalinism»….
(The Dies Committee, Leon Trotsky, December 7, 1939, p. 1. In: Leon Trotsky Collected Writings, 1939-1940. In: archive.org) (IMG)
None of Trotsky’s activity in support of US intelligence was enough to destabilize communist presence in Latin America. The imperialist-fascist agent Trotsky therefore launched a terror attack against himself. Describing the terrorist attack, Trotsky stated that the terrorists entered his room at some point, fired 200 shots including at his mattress and he did not die! Based on such outrageous remarks by Trotsky, many came to the conclusion that Trotsky was not present in his own room during the terrorist attack. Here is what Trotsky wrote:
The attack came at dawn, about 4 A. M. I was fast asleep, having taken a sleeping drug after a hard day’s work. Awakened by the rattle of gun fire but feeling very hazy, I first imagined that a national holiday was being celebrated with fireworks outside our walls. But the explosions were too close, right here within the room, next to me and overhead. The odor of gunpowder became more acrid, more penetrating. Clearly, what we had always expected was now happening: we were under attack. Where were the police stationed outside the walls? Where the guards inside? Trussed up? Kidnapped? Killed? My wife had already jumped from her bed. The shooting continued incessantly. My wife later told me that she helped me to the floor, pushing me into the space between the bed and the wall. This was quite true. She had remained hovering over me, beside the wall, as if to shield me with her body. But by means of whispers and gestures I convinced her to lie flat on the floor. The shots came from all sides, it was difficult to tell just from where. At a certain time my wife, as she later told me, was able clearly to distinguish spurts of fire from a gun: consequently, the shooting was being done right here in the room although we could not see anybody. My impression is that altogether some two hundred shots were fired, of which about one hundred fell right here, near us. Splinters of glass from windowpanes and chips from walls flew in all directions. A little later I felt that my right leg, had been slightly wounded in two places. (…).
My wife and I were convinced on the next day that the assailants had fired only through the windows and doors and that no one had entered our bedroom—however, an analysis of the trajectory of the bullets proves irrefutably that eight shots which struck the wall at the head of the two beds and which left holes in four places in both mattresses, as well as traces in the floor underneath the beds could have been fired only inside the bedroom itself. Empty catridges found on the floor, and the lining of a blanket singed in two places testify to the same thing.
When did the terrorist enter our bedroom? Was it during the first part of their operation before we had yet awakened? Or was it, on the contrary, during the last moments when we were lying on the floor? I incline toward the latter supposition. Having fired through the doors and windows several scores of bullets aimed at the beds and not hearing any outcries or groans, the assailants had every reason to conclude that they had accomplished their work successfully. One of them might have at the last moment entered the room for a final check. Possibly the bed clothes and pillows still retained the form of human bodies. At four o’clock in the morning the room was in darkness My wife and I remained motionless and silent on the floor. Before leaving our bedroom the terrorist who came in for verification deeming that the task had been already accomplished might have fired a few shots into our beds “to clear his conscience.”
(Stalin Seeks My Death, Leon Trotsky, Written: 24 May, 1940, First Published: The Fourth International, Vol. 2 No. 7, August 1941, pp. 201-207, Translated: By The Fourth International, Marxists Internet Archive) (IMG)
Two hundred shots at the place in which Trotsky was supposedly sleeping, and Trotsky did not die!
As mentioned in C5S1, NKVD chief Yagoda – the ally of Bukharin, hence covertly of Trotsky – plotted, in collaboration with the White Guard agents of the Gestapo and MI6, a fake assassination attempt against Trotsky so to discredit the Soviet state while making a martyr out of Trotsky. The provocative terror plot failed, as Stalin leaked the White Guard plan to the press, Trotsky’s admissions revealed. Years later, in Mexico, Trotsky was busily involved in another fake ‘assassination’ plot ‘against’ himself. Trotsky’s dirty hands in this self-assault is confirmed by the intelligence service and media of the Mexican government headed by Cardenas.
Natalia Sedova Trotsky, the wife of Leon Trotsky, remarked that Lazaro Cardenas was an honest man who sought to protect Leon Trotsky, who sought to find out the truth, and who sought to help Trotsky after the terror attack launched on him. In a letter to Cardenas, Natalia Trotsky wrote:
Permit me to offer to your wife and yourself my most profound appreciation for your visit, for your sincere sentiments, for your unalterable conviction in the honor of Leon Trotsky and for the contempt manifested by you toward calumny and lie. (…). You prolonged the life of Leon Trotsky for 43 months. I carry in my heart my gratitude for those 43 months. Not only I, but hundreds of thousands of incorruptible fighters, who struggle for the emancipation of humanity.
Your tender attention sustained us in the sorrowful moments of the loss of our son in February, 1938. And again you came to help us after the perfidious attack of our enemies against our house on May 24. Saturday (August 24) once more you proved your activity in favor of him who had from you the possibility of living on Mexican soil. Permit me, Mr. President, to repeat here the expression of my deepest gratitude to the people of Mexico, to its government and to you particularly.
(Natalia’s Letter to Cardenas, from: Natalia Sedova Trotsky, to: Lazaro Cardenas, Written: 13 September 1940, Source: Socialist Appeal, Vol. 4 No. 38, 21 September 1940, p. 1. Online Version: Natalia Sedova Internet Archive, August 2020. Marxists Internet Archive) (IMG)
As can be seen, Natalia Sedova Trotsky stated that the government of Mexico showed honesty, and regarded Cardenas as an honest man. Remarkably, the Mexican government’s counter-intelligence and media noted that Trotsky had engineered a terror attack against himself in May 24. Leon Trotsky admitted:
the representatives of the investigation … take a serious attitude toward the absurd idea of self-assault. (Stalin Seeks My Death, Leon Trotsky, Written: 24 May, 1940, First Published: The Fourth International, Vol. 2 No. 7, August 1941, pp. 201-207, Translated: By The Fourth International, Marxists Internet Archive) (IMG)
Trotsky further wrote:
Why were these two members of the guard arrested and not the others? Because Otto and Charles served as liaison agents with the authorities and with our few friends in the city. Preparing the blow against me, the investigating magistrates decided first of all to isolate our house completely. On the same day a Mexican, S., and a Czech, B., our young friends who had visited us to express their sympathy, were placed under arrest. The aim of the arrests was obviously the same: to cut off our connections with the outside world. The arrested members of the guard were confronted with a demand that they confess in “a quarter of an hour” that it was I who had ordered them to carry out the “self-assault.” I am not at all inclined to exaggerate the importance of these episodes or to invest them with a tragic meaning. They interest me solely from the standpoint of the possibility of exposing those behind-the-scenes forces that were able in the course of 24 hours to bring about an almost magical turn in the direction of the investigation. These forces continue even today to exert an influence on the course of the investigation.
On Thursday May 30 when B. was questioned in Via Madera, all the police agents proceeded from the theory of self-assault….
(Stalin Seeks My Death, Leon Trotsky, Written: 24 May, 1940, First Published: The Fourth International, Vol. 2 No. 7, August 1941, pp. 201-207, Translated: By The Fourth International, Marxists Internet Archive) (IMG)
Mexico’s ruling party newspaper El Nacional also agreed that the attempt on Trotsky’s life was theatrical:
In contradistinction to all other newspapers of the capital, El Nacional did not even mention the attempt in the first section of its issue for May 25. In the second section it carried a dispatch under the heading “Trotsky Subjected to a Theatrical (!) Attempt in His Home.” On what basis the paper reached its appraisal remained unknown. I am, unfortunately, compelled to assert that in several prior instances the paper attempted to ascribe to me reprehensible actions without a shadow of justification.
It is worthy of the most diligent attention that on the same day on which El Nacional called the attempt “theatrical,” El Popular wrote, “The attempt against Trotsky is an attempt against Mexico.” At first sight it might appear as if El Nacional displayed a much more hostile attitude toward the victim of the assault than did El Popular. As a matter of fact that is not the case. By its conduct El Nacional merely revealed that it is much further removed than El Popular from the sources of Stalinism, and consequently the source of the assault. El Nacional has editors who strive to do all they can to please the Stalinists. They know that the simplest way is to utter some sort of suspicion towards me. When the editors received news of the assault against my home, one of the editors placed in circulation the first ironical formula that came into his head. This very fact shows that the editors of El Nacion.al, in contrast to the editors of El Popular, know not of what they write.
In the following days there is to be observed, however, a drawing together of the lines of these two publications. El Nacional, gathering from the conduct of El Popular that it blurted out very incautiously its hypothesis of a “theatrical” attempt, beat a hasty retreat and assumed a more guarded position. For its part, El Popular, becoming convinced that none of the participants of the attempt had been arrested, began to pass over to the position of a “theatrical” attempt. The story of May 27 “Mr. Trotsky Contradicts Himself” was also carried by El Nacional. On the basis of an analysis of the articles in El Popular and a comparison between them and the articles in El Nacional it is thus possible to state with certainty that Toledano knew in advance of the preparations for the attempt, even if in the most general way. The GPU simultaneously prepared-along different channels-the conspiratorial plot, the political defense and the disinformation of the investigation. During the critical days El Popular received instructions, undoubtedly, from Toledano himself. It is quite probable that none other than he is the author of the article of May 25. In other words, Lombardo Toledano took moral part in the preparation of the attempt and in covering up its traces.
(Stalin Seeks My Death, Leon Trotsky, Written: 24 May, 1940, First Published: The Fourth International, Vol. 2 No. 7, August 1941, pp. 201-207, Translated: By The Fourth International, Marxists Internet Archive) (IMG)
Trotsky’s fake ‘assassination’ plot against himself was being further exposed, thereby allowing elements in Mexican intelligence to encircle Trotsky.
Click here for Screenshots of Source Documents
Fuentes:
https://sovinform.net/Trotsky-Dies-Committee-Terror-Attack-Against-Himself.htm